By Valerie Tarico, author of Trusting Doubt: A Former Evangelical Looks at Old Beliefs in a New Light
Archive for the ‘Fundamentalism’ Category
by Adam Lee (excerpted from “Notable (and Notorious) Examples of the Christian Right’s Failed Prophecies,” published on Alternet, 1-21/13)
You may notice that, other than the self-serving predictions of their own success, most of the religious right’s prophecies are of disaster and calamity. They almost never forecast greater peace, increased prosperity or the advance of democracy and human rights. There’s a good reason for this.
The religious right as a movement thrives on fear, because it depends on the unthinking obedience of its followers, and fearful people are far easier to shepherd and control. A person who fears the worst will follow anyone who promises security and relief from that fear: it’s not difficult to persuade them to donate money, follow marching orders, or vote as instructed if it will turn back the imaginary evils that menace them.
This has been an effective strategy, but it means that secularists and progressives can win people over if we offer them freedom from fear. And the best way to do that is to point out that the prophets of doom have failed over and over again. Normally their followers are only too happy to count the hits and ignore the misses, but when the evidence is all collected in one place, the conclusion becomes much harder to ignore: the people who claim to be the conduits of God’s will are scam artists, falsely claiming to know things they don’t know. Whether they’re intentionally lying or sincerely deluded makes no difference.
Read the entire article here.
by Domenick Scudera
Enough already. I am gay, and I had nothing to do with those innocent children getting killed in Connecticut. I am gay, and I have gay sex, and I have a gay partner, and I support gay marriage, but none of those facts has contributed one iota to the fact that 20 blameless children were slaughtered last week. So, James Dobson, stop implying that God “has allowed judgment to fall upon us” in the form of a mass killing of innocents because “the institution of marriage is right on the verge of a complete redefinition,” and because homosexuality is more accepted in the United States. When others of your ilk blame gays for extreme weather like Hurricane Sandy, I laugh it off, because it is preposterous. But building a link between the Connecticut killings and homosexuality is malicious. I have had my fill of it.
Like many other GLBTs who follow the debates on same-sex marriage (SSM), I’ve often suspected that the professional marriage traditionalists are not leveling with us about what really drives their concerns. Nor do they necessarily understand their deeper motivations. We know that anti-SSM organizations like the Family Research Council (FRC) and the National Organization for Marriage (NOM) constantly hone their messages and field-test their talking points. It’s for their opponents to guess which of these talking points are still in testing stage, how vulnerable they may be, and how firm a grip the spokespersons have on them.
In February of this year, Washington Gov. Chris Gregoire signed a bill approving same-sex marriage. Earlier this month, opponents of the bill submitted enough petition signatures to challenge the legislature’s decision by public referendum on the November ballot. The referendum’s sponsor is Preserve Marriage Washington (PMW), headed by Joseph Backholm.
In a June 6 live-chat organized by the Seattle Times, Backholm made a curious claim about the “true” motivations of the marriage equality movement. But in so doing, he revealed one of the deepest concerns of his own movement. Here are his words:
Ultimately this movement is not about marriage. Does anyone really think [GLBT] lobbying efforts will shut down if same-sex marriage becomes law in Washington? I think the goal of the movement is to eradicate from the public sector any notion of the idea that there is a difference between homosexuality and heterosexuality. That is why, whether they go to a photographer, an adoption agency, a courthouse, a doctor’s office, or a counselor’s office, they want to make sure they will never encounter someone who feels free to express their belief that there is a difference between heterosexuality and homosexuality. If that is the goal, it can only be accomplished with a significant reduction in freedom for a huge percentage of the population. [italics mine]
Backholm would have us believe the marriage equality movement is part of a sinister stealth strategy aimed at eradicating the difference between homosexuality and heterosexuality—a difference that he believes to be so important that he alludes to it twice in this short statement, using almost the identical words each time. The GLBT movement, in his view, hopes to enlist state power in an effort to suppress all recognition of that difference. Woo-woo!
Anyone who has studied anthropology or social psychology knows that fears of indifferentiation run deep in human societies: social order is based on difference, and any blurring of distinctions—e.g., between male and female, sacred and profane, mother and lover, god and mortal—threatens that order and will almost surely produce minotaurs and cause violators to pluck out their eyes. (See image.) Taboos exist to preserve difference and hierarchical structure, and we moderns are as much in thrall to them as were our early ancestors.
What we need to understand about taboos is that some are conducive to survival—e.g., the taboo against careless handling of blood and feces—while others are purely contingent—e.g., the Mosaic prohibition against eating shellfish. But not everyone does understand this, and Backholm is playing to our ignorance and our fears. If effective use of highly emotive words were our only measure of merit in this debate, then Backholm should be congratulated for homing in on that single word, “difference.” But it is not. Truth claims are still important to some of us and should be carefully scrutinized.
His statement goes off into the weeds on three tangents:
First tangent: The implicit “stealth” claim. There’s nothing stealthy about the GLBT rights movement. Its goals have been fully articulated by legislative leaders (e.g., Senator Ed Murray, D-WA), public intellectuals (e.g., Michelangelo Signorile, Andrew Sullivan), and professional rights advocates (e.g., Evan Wolfson). Put simply, our goals are full equality under the law and an end to state-sanctioned discrimination. Marriage equality represents a giant step toward these goals.
Second tangent: The claim regarding state suppression of ideas, or “notions.” No one holds that traditionalist views about homosexuality or marriage must be suppressed by law. That would be not just undesirable, but impossible. Our hope is to garner popular support for legislation and judicial decisions that will put an end to discrimination. Our goal is to change not only laws but also hearts and minds. That said, many or most of us believe that our constitutional right to equal protection under the law should never be put to a popular vote. In a constitutional democracy such as ours, majorities may not vote to deprive minorities of their rights.
Third tangent: The “reductions in freedom” claim. Backholm’s dire warning to his supporters that they will ultimately lose their freedoms if GLBT activists accomplish their goals is only partly true. No one can deprive Americans of their freedom to believe or profess whatever they like, but our courts have repeatedly placed limits on religious practices for over 150 years. For example, federal and state statutes prohibiting gender or racial discrimination do not typically exempt discriminatory practices motivated by religious belief, except in core religious institutions (churches, synagogues, etc.). Thus, the Catholic church may refuse to ordain women as priests, but a private hospital may not refuse to treat African-Americans, even if it owned by a religious denomination that holds segregation to be part of God’s plan (as Mormons and Southern Baptists once did). So yes, we would like legal protection from discrimination, and this means that some people will lose their “freedom” to discriminate.
So that’s the part of Backholm’s “warning” that is true. What is not true about it is the presumption that GLBTs are united against the “notion” of difference in sexual orientation. This is just frothy nonsense, and he knows it. If he insists on making this preposterous claim, he should be required to offer evidence.
No one wants to “eradicate all differences.” What we would like to see eradicated are differences in treatment and opportunity. This is what true equality means: not that we are identical to one another in every respect, but that each one of us has equal access to opportunities and a fair chance to succeed. Backholm is both bright and well-educated, and there can be little doubt that he is aware of this critical distinction.
Backholm is deliberately vague about this word “difference” and dares not unpack his own rhetoric because it comes so dangerously close to the truth. The talk about loss of freedom to express beliefs about “difference” is code that many in Backholm’s movement are capable of deciphering. The ones who cannot decipher it will take it at face value, which is also fine for Backholm’s purposes. How much of all this he actually understands at a conscious level is anyone’s guess.
So what is the real fear?
It is the same fear that Maggie Gallagher of the National Organization for Marriage has expressed so often in the latest phase of her propaganda efforts.
It is the fear of the huge shift that is happening in public opinion about homosexuality. That is no small thing to fear, and we must never underestimate its power to motivate resistance to change. Growing acceptance of gays and lesbians has been steadily destabilizing moral discourse around two issues that are always in some sense front-and-center in our psyches and our social interactions: sexuality and gender. What used to be wrong is now right, what was shameful is now a source of pride, and what used to be unspeakable is now considered respectable. As old taboos lose their potency, new ones surface to replace them: anti-gay rhetoric is now more often associated with religious bigotry than with righteousness or respectability, and our movement’s anti-discrimination victories—patchy and uncertain as they are—have radically unsettled the cultural assumptions of millions of Americans.
It’s not pleasant to tell a joke, only to be told it is in poor taste.
It is not pleasant to rant about gays and lesbians, only to realize everyone thinks you are a fool.
It is not pleasant to quote Bible verses condemning homosexuality, only to be reminded that others in your company don’t really give a damn what the Bible says.
It is not pleasant to realize that your nephews and nieces consider your anti-gay views a sign that you are now old and out-of-touch.
It is not pleasant to be stigmatized.
The Civil Rights era was an exceptionally stressful time for many white Americans. The old taboos were being replaced by new ones—their opposites. Where mixing of the races was once taboo, now segregating them was taboo. The familiar polarities of insider/outsider, hateful/good, and right/wrong were reversed in a relatively short period of time, and a whole generation of racists were morally marginalized.
Marginalization looks to be Joseph Backholm’s greatest fear.
What can Backholm and his supporters do to stay in the mainstream? Here’s one idea.
It is all from preachers.
The never-ending tug-o’-war between secularists and the religious right over religious freedom has heated up over the past six months as a result of certain provisions of the Affordable Care Act. Under the ACA, religious institutions such as hospitals and universities—but not churches—would be required to include contraception in health insurance plans offered to employees and students. The Catholic Church has been particularly outraged over this requirement and is trying to mobilize the faithful in a propaganda campaign that would depict the church as a victim of government oppression. The two principal claims circulating on Catholic websites are that (1) the ACA’s contraception provisions are an assault on religious freedom, and (2) religion is being systematically pushed out of the public square. We are told that the U.S. is, under the Obama administration, drifting perilously close to a totalitarianism of the left.
Pope Benedict XVI, the ultimate authority on all such matters (NOT!), has been quoted in an effort to bolster these claims:
Denying the right to profess one’s religion in public and the right to bring the truths of faith to bear on public life has negative consequences for true development. The exclusion of religion from the public square—and, at the other extreme, religious fundamentalism—hinders an encounter between persons and their collaboration for the progress of humanity. Public life is sapped of its motivation, and politics takes on a domineering and aggressive character. Human rights risk being ignored either because they are robbed of their transcendent foundation or because personal freedom is not acknowledged. Secularism and fundamentalism exclude the possibility of fruitful dialogue and effective cooperation between reason and faith.
—Pope Benedict XVI, from his encyclical, “Charity in Truth” (Caritas in Veritate)
The ability to avoid specifics is probably an unavoidable part of a pope’s job description. Nevertheless, inquiring minds like to inquire.
Where Pope Benedict refers to the “exclusion of religion from the public square,” I assume he is thinking of secular totalitarian regimes like that of Stalinist Russia. And by “religious fundamentalism,” he is probably thinking of their opposite–Islamic theocracies of the Middle East.
Strong currents are in fact pulling the U.S. toward theocratic totalitarianism. Christian Dominionism and Reconstructionism have become a potent influence in virtually all Christian fundamentalist churches. The First Amendment’s establishment clause is under constant attack from the right.
There is no danger that religion will be forced out of the public square in this country. Only one congressperson (out of 535) does not profess religious belief, and the others profess it loudly and often. Thousands upon thousands of religious radio stations, TV programs, blog sites, websites, and periodicals promulgate religious views. Even non-sectarian daily newspapers regularly feature a “religion” column. (When was the last time you saw a “secularism” column?) The GOP presidential candidates would not shut up about God, some of them even claiming that He had personally “called” them to seek the presidency. G.W. Bush’s faith-based initiative, expanded under President Obama, funnels millions of dollars of public funds into religious institutions.
Religion should never be excluded from the public square, but neither should religious beliefs be offered as the sole justification for public policy. Competing justifications—those based on reason and a careful balancing of costs and benefits—need to be heard as well.
This remarkable video is the latest evidence of a disturbing trend in American religion: the Sunday-morning church service, once the kindly domain of church ladies in flowered hats, is becoming a vehicle for representing and even enacting (God’s) violence.
Blood sacrifice is back, folks. Symbolism is dead. No substitutes. We want the real thing.
I’m not talking metaphors here. By any measure, this preacher’s accounts of his own physical violence strongly suggest that he—or the character he is playing—is psychopathic, and yet his audience appears awestruck and approving.
Framing is everything, as they say. If he were not telling his stories from the pulpit and claiming God’s sponsorship of his violence, his audience might possibly see the psychopath standing before them and flee in terror.
What’s next for this preacher? Why, he’ll have to assault an audience member during one of his “sermons.” The kindly lady in the flowered hat with the potluck dish tucked under her seat will have the devil thrashed out of her and end up in ER.